<펌> Bolero

Boléro

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This article is about Ravel's piece for orchestra. For Latin music, see Bolero. For other uses, see Bolero (disambiguation).

Ida Rubinstein commissioned Boléro (1922, unknown photographer)

 

Boléro is a one-movement orchestral piece by the French composer Maurice Ravel (1875–1937). Originally composed as a ballet commissioned by Russian actress and dancer Ida Rubinstein, the piece, which premiered in 1928, is Ravel's most famous musical composition.[1]

 

Before Boléro, Ravel had composed large-scale ballets (such as Daphnis et Chloé, composed for the Ballets Russes 1909–1912), suites for the ballet (such as the second orchestral version of Ma mère l'oye, 1912), and one-movement dance pieces (such as La valse, 1906–1920). Apart from such compositions intended for a staged dance performance, Ravel had demonstrated an interest in composing re-styled dances, from his earliest successes—the 1895 Menuet and the 1899 Pavane—to his more mature works like Le Tombeau de Couperin, which takes the format of a dance suite.

 

Boléro epitomizes Ravel's preoccupation with restyling and reinventing dance movements. It was also one of the last pieces he composed before illness forced him into retirement. The two piano concertos and the song cycle Don Quichotte à Dulcinée were the only completed compositions that followed Boléro.

Composition

Score for Boléro (67 pages)

The work had its genesis in a commission from the dancer Ida Rubinstein, who asked Ravel to make an orchestral transcription of six pieces from Isaac Albéniz's set of piano pieces, Iberia. While working on the transcription, Ravel was informed that the movements had already been orchestrated by Spanish conductor Enrique Fernández Arbós, and that copyright law prevented any other arrangement from being made. When Arbós heard of this, he said he would happily waive his rights and allow Ravel to orchestrate the pieces. However, Ravel changed his mind and decided initially to orchestrate one of his own works. He then changed his mind again and decided to write a completely new piece based on the musical form and Spanish dance called bolero.[2]

 

While on vacation at St Jean-de-Luz, Ravel went to the piano and played a melody with one finger to his friend Gustave Samazeuilh, saying "Don't you think this theme has an insistent quality? I'm going to try and repeat it a number of times without any development, gradually increasing the orchestra as best I can."[2] It has been suggested that this unusual interest in repetition was caused by the onset of progressive aphasia.[3]

 

The piece was initially called Fandango, but its title was soon changed to "Boléro".

 

Premiere and early performances

 

The composition was a sensational success when it was premiered at the Paris Opéra on 22 November 1928, with choreography by Bronislava Nijinska and designs and scenario by Alexandre Benois. The orchestra of the Opéra was conducted by Walther Straram. Ernest Ansermet had originally been engaged to conduct during the entire ballet season, but the musicians refused to play under him.[4] A scenario by Rubinstein and Nijinska was printed in the program for the premiere:[4]

Inside a tavern in Spain, people dance beneath the brass lamp hung from the ceiling. [In response] to the cheers to join in, the female dancer has leapt onto the long table and her steps become more and more animated.

 

Toscanini

Conductor Arturo Toscanini gave the American premiere of Boléro with the New York Philharmonic on 14 November 1929.[10] The performance was a great success, bringing "shouts and cheers from the audience" according to a New York Times review, leading one critic to declare that "it was Toscanini who launched the career of the Boléro", and another to claim that Toscanini had made Ravel into "almost an American national hero".[10]

 

On 4 May 1930, Toscanini performed the work with the New York Philharmonic at the Paris Opéra as part of that orchestra's European tour. Toscanini's tempo was significantly faster than Ravel preferred, and Ravel signaled his disapproval by refusing to respond to Toscanini's gesture during the audience ovation.[11] An exchange took place between the two men backstage after the concert. According to one account, Ravel said, "It's too fast", to which Toscanini responded, "You don't know anything about your own music. It's the only way to save the work".[12] According to another report, Ravel said, "That's not my tempo". Toscanini replied, "When I play it at your tempo, it is not effective", to which Ravel retorted, "Then do not play it".[13] Four months later, Ravel attempted to smooth over relations with Toscanini by sending him a note explaining that "I have always felt that if a composer does not take part in the performance of a work, he must avoid the ovations" and, ten days later, inviting Toscanini to conduct the premiere of his Piano Concerto for the Left Hand, an invitation which was declined.[14]

 

 

 

Fandango

 

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This article is about the dance. For other uses, see Fandango (disambiguation).

Fandango is a lively couples dance originating from Portugal and Spain, usually in triple metre, traditionally accompanied by guitars, castanets, or hand-clapping ("palmas" in Spanish). Fandango can both be sung and danced. Sung fandango is usually bipartite: it has an instrumental introduction followed by "variaciones". Sung fandango usually follows the structure of "cante" that consist of four or five octosyllabic verses (coplas) or musical phrases (tercios). Occasionally, the first copla is repeated.

 

Eighteenth century Castilian fandango dancers (by Pierre Chasselat) (1753–1814)

 

Fandango rhythm.[1]

 

The meter of fandango is similar to that of the bolero and seguidilla. It was originally notated in 6/8 time, but later in 3/8 or 3/4.

 

Origins

 

The earliest fandango melody is found in the anonymous "Libro de diferentes cifras de guitarra" from 1705, and the earliest description of the dance itself is found in a 1712 letter by Martín Martí, a Spanish priest. The fandango's first sighting in a theatrical work was in Francisco de Leefadeal's entremés "El novio de la aldeana" staged in Seville, ca. 1720. By the late 18th century it had become fashionable among the aristocracy and was often included in tonadillas, zarzuelas, ballets and operas, not only in Spain, but also elsewhere in Europe.

 

Widely varying claims have been made about the origin of fandango: its relation to the soleá, jabera and petenera; to the Andalusian malagueña, granadina, murciana and rondeña; to the canario and gitano; to the jota aragonesa.[2]

 

 

Classical music

 

The form of fandango has been used by many European composers, and often included in stage and instrumental works. Notable examples include J. P. Rameau's "Les trois mains" (in "Nouvelles suites de pièces de clavecin", ca. 1729–30); Fandango forms #19 in the part 2 of Gluck's ballet Don Juan (1761); in the third-act finale of Mozart's opera The Marriage of Figaro (1786); in the finale of Luigi Boccherini's String Quartet Op. 40 No. 2 (1798)[clarification needed] and Guitar Quintet G.448; Antonio Soler's Fandango for harpsichord; and the finale of Rimsky-Korsakov's Capriccio Espagnol.[citation needed] Luis de Freitas Branco's third movement of his "Suite Alentejana No. 1" is inspired on the fandango of the regions of Alentejo and Ribatejo of Portugal.[citation needed]

 

Italian composer Domenico Scarlatti, who was influenced by Iberian folk music, had several passages reminiscents of fandango, such as in his keyboard sonata K. 492 (1756) which has been called "Fandango portugués".[3] The piece "Fandango del Sigr. Escarlate" has been attributed to him, but some scholars dispute this claim and its similarity to fandangos.[3]

 

Spanish dance

 

The current 3/4 pattern of the fandango, its distinctive progression (i–iv–V) lyrics with octosyllabic verses and the use of castanets and guitars are well-documented from the 18th century.

 

The fandangos grandes (big fandangos) are normally danced by couples, which start out slowly with gradually increasing tempo. Many varieties are derived from this one.

 

The fandanguillos (little fandangos) are livelier, more festive derivations of fandangos. Some regions of Spain have developed their own style of fandangos, such as Huelva (fandangos de Huelva) and Málaga (fandangos de Málaga, or Verdiales). Northern areas such as the Principality of Asturias, the Basque Country and Castile and León have preserved a more relaxed performance.

 

Portuguese dance

 

Although Spanish in origin, Fandango is one of the main folk dances in Portugal. The choreography is quite simple: on its more frequent setting two male dancers face each other, dancing and tap-dancing one at a time, showing which has the most lightness and repertoire of feet changes in the tap-dancing. The dancers can be boy and girl, boy and boy (most frequent) or rarely, two girls. While one of the dancers dances, the other just "goes along". Afterwards, they "both drag their feet for a while"[This quote needs a citation] until the other one takes his turn. They stay there, disputing, seeing which one of them makes the feet transitions more eye-catching.

 

The "fandango do Ribatejo" refers specifically the form of fandango practiced in Ribatejo, Portugal. The dance is usually performed by two Campinos.

Figurative meaning

 

As a result of the extravagant features of the dance, the word fandango is used as a synonym for "a quarrel", "a big fuss", or "a brilliant exploit".

 

Bolero

 

Bolero refers to two distinct genres of slow-tempo Latin music and their associated dances.[1] The oldest type of bolero originated in Spain during the late 18th century as a form of ballroom music, which influenced art music composers around the world, most famously Maurice Ravel's Boléro, as well as a flamenco style known as boleras. An unrelated genre of sung music originated in eastern Cuba in the late 19th century as part of the trova tradition. This genre gained widespread popularity around Latin America throughout the 20th century and continues to thrive.

 

Malagueñas (flamenco style)

 

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For other uses, see Malagueña (disambiguation).

 

Malagueñas (Spanish pronunciation: [malaˈɣeɲas]) is one of the traditional styles of Andalusian music (flamenco), derived from earlier types of fandango from the area of Málaga, classified among the Cantes de Levante. Originally a folk-song type, it became a flamenco style in the 19th century. It is not normally used for dance, as it is generally interpreted with no regular rhythmic pattern, as a "cante libre". It has a very rich melody with virtuous flourishes and use of microtones. Its guitar accompaniment is normally played in open position first inversion giving E for the tonic, which can be transposed by using a capo.

 

History

 

Origins

 

Malagueñas derive from local variety of the Fandangos, a type of dance that, with different regional variations and even different names, became very popular in great part of Spain in the 18th century. Although nowadays malagueñas are a typical instance of "cante libre", performed at libitum and normally not used for the dance, folkloric fandangos were originally sung and played at a fast speed, with a rhythmic pattern in 6/8, to accompany dance. Some of these primitive fandangos from Málaga, called Verdiales are still performed nowadays at folkloric gatherings by large non-professional groups called "Pandas", which use a high number of guitars, "bandurrias" (a sort of mandoline), violins, and tambourines.

 

Development

 

Towards the second half of the 19th century, some interpreters gave the first steps in transforming this folkloric songs into real flamenco. They slowed it down (although still keeping the eastern fandango rhythm pattern known as "abandolao"), they enriched the melody with flourishes and ornaments and reduced accompanying instruments to a single guitar. In this process, they were probably influenced by other flamenco styles, but modern research also suggests that the influence of Opera, Zarzuela and other classical music styles also played a part in this development[This quote needs a citation].

 

The oldest malagueña of this type that has been preserved to our days is probably the Jabera[This quote needs a citation] . This was first mentioned by writer Serafin Estébanez Calderón, probably in the 1840s. According to this contemporary witness, this type of malagueña would have been created by an artist known as La Jabera. This early malagueña type still preserved a rhythmic pattern as those of later artists like Juan Breva. Most of the malagueña types were created in the last decades of the 19th century.

 

The third step in the evolution was the total loss of a rhythmic pattern. This development was brought forward by singers like Antonio Chacón, Enrique el Mellizo and guitarists like Ramón Montoya, none of whom had been born in the area of Málaga, so they had not grown in contact with the original folkloric fandangos. They were in a sense, creators of a completely new style, fashioned by professional or semi-professional artists.

 

Malagueña styles

 

Some of the traditional malagueña styles (melodic schemes) more frequently performed are listed below. Many though, have been omitted as they are rarely performed or are just variations of other main styles.

 

1. Juan Breva. He recorded three of his malagueña styles personally in the early 20th century.

2. Enrique el Mellizo. It is often said that he derived his malagueña from the preface to the catholic mass. After his influence, the rhythmic pattern of the malagueña guitar accompaniment was lost and it became a "cante libre". Among the interpreters of this style who helped to establish it we may mention El Niño de la Isla, Aurelio Sellé, Manolo Caracol and Pericón de Cádiz. Each of them has added personal touches to the Malagueña, so it is difficult to know which one resembles the original model most.

3. José Alberto "El Canario". He created one style of Malagueña.

4. Antonio Chacón. He was the most prolific creator of malagueñas and the styles he created are probably the most frequent in recordings. The number of the malagueñas he created varies, though, as some have been attributed to him only by tradition. Some of these styles can often be seen as simple variations. Most of these styles were already recorded by him between 1909 and 1928.

5. La Trini. Her legacy was preserved by singers like Sebastián el Pena. Antonio Chacón created a personal variation of one of her styles.

 

The guitar in the malagueña

 

Originally the guitar was, together with other instruments, already part of the accompaniment of folkloric fandango of Málaga. At that time its function was merely rhythmic and limited to the use of one technique, the strumming pattern called "abandolao". As malagueñas slowed down their tempo and professional guitarists came into place, short solos and ornaments were incorporated. The great revolution of the malagueña guitar playing came together with its transformation into a "cante libre": flamenco virtuosos like Ramón Montoya started introducing classical guitar techniques like arpeggio, scales, tremolo, and enriched it with a wider variety of chord positions. They also started introducing short guitar solos in between verses, called falsetas in the flamenco jargon, following the model of other flamenco songs.

 

Malagueña is rarely performed as a guitar instrumental piece and very rarely danced.

 

Soleá

 

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For other uses, see Solea.

Soleá at concert.

 

Soleares (plural of soleá, pronounced [soleˈa]) is one of the most basic forms or palos of Flamenco music, probably originated around Cádiz or Seville in Andalusia, the most southern region of Spain. It is usually accompanied by one guitar only, in phrygian mode "por arriba" (fundamental on the 6th string); "Bulerías por soleá" is usually played "por medio" (fundamental on the 5th string). Soleares is sometimes called "mother of palos" although it is not the oldest one (e.g. siguiriyas is older than soleares) and not even related to every other palo (e.g. fandangos family is from a different origin)[1]

 

 

Peteneras

 

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The Petenera is a flamenco palo in a 12-beat metre, with strong beats distributed as follows: [12][1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11]. It is therefore identical with the 16th century Spanish dances zarabanda and the jácara.

The lyrics are in 4-line stanzas.

 

It is believed to be a very old style of song, as it was already mentioned by writer Serafín Estébanez Calderón in the mid 19th century, and the adherence to the rhythm of the old zarabanda seems to confirm its age. Several theories have been suggested as to its origin, although there is not enough evidence to sustain any of them unerringly:

• Theory of Paterna. This popular theory sustains that this palo originated in the town of Paterna de Rivera in the province of Cádiz. According to a legend, the name of the song refers to a cantadora (woman singer) called "La Petenera", who was born there. She was reported to be, owing to her seduction power, the "damnation of men". The name "Petenera" would be a phonetic corruption of "Paternera" (born in Paterna). This theory was sustained by folklorist Demófilo.
• Theory of the Jewish origin. According to this theory, suggested by flamencologist Hipólito Rossy, the petenera originated in the songs of Sephardi Jews. He even assured that Sephardi Jews in the Balkans still sang the lyrics that contain the verse of the Petenera as the "damnation of men"
• Some modern theories situate the origin of the Petenera in Petén, a department (administrative region) of Guatemala.[1]

 

Rondeña

 

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A Rondeña is a palo or musical form of flamenco originating in the town of Ronda in the province of Málaga in Spain.

 

In common with other palos originating in Málaga, the rondeña antedated flamenco proper and became incorporated into it during the 19th century.

 

History

 

The rondeña has its origin in the fandango malagueño and it is said that it is "the oldest fandango actually known".

 

According to the experts, the name does not derive from "nocturnal rounds", as some have suggested, but is based solely on the name of the town Ronda.

The rondeña spread enormously throughout Andalusia in the 19th century, to such an extent that numerous foreign observers, touring the region at the time, referred to it later in their writings.

 

Canary dance

 

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The Canary dance (known as Canario in Italian sources, Canarie in French ones) was a Renaissance dance inspired in an indigenous dance and song of the Canary Islands (probably the one known as Tajaraste) that became popular all over Europe in the late 16th and early 17th century. It is mentioned in dance manuals from France and Italy, and is mentioned in sources from Spain and England, as well,[1] including in plays by William Shakespeare.[2]

 

The dance, which is most often choreographed for a single couple, has been characterized as "a fiery wooing dance" with either Canary origins or at least a Canary flavor from its "rapid heel-and-toe stamps" and distinctive music.[3] It was also called frogs legs, because it was an energetic dance that featured jumps, stamping of the feet and violent movement, accompanied by music with syncopated rhythms.[4]

 

While there are choreographies for the canario as a stand-alone dance in the dancing manuals of Fabritio Caroso, Cesare Negri, and Thoinot Arbeau,[5] it most frequently appears as a section of a larger dance or suite of dances.[6] Several Baroque composers (notably J.S. Bach) used the distinctive rhythm of the canary in a few pieces, such as the gigue of the French Suite in C Minor, and it also appears in one of the Goldberg Variations (Variation 7).

 

Gitanos

 

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Romani people in SpainGitanosTotal populationRegions with significant populationsLanguagesReligionRelated ethnic groups

Estimated 720,000-1,500,000[1][2][3][4]

Spain

Caló Spanish Catalan Basque (Erromintxela) Galician Asturian Aragonese Roma Occitan (Aranese)

Predominantly Evangelicalism, Roman Catholicism

Other Gypsies

Romani people Diaspora[show]

The Romani in Spain, generally known as gitanos (Spanish pronunciation: [xiˈtanos]), belong to the Iberian Cale group, with smaller populations in Portugal (known as ciganos) and in southern France. Their sense of identity and cohesion stems from their shared value system, expressed among the gitanos as the leyes gitanas (Gypsy laws).[5] [6] Traditionally, they maintain their social circles strictly within their patrigroups, as interaction between patrigroups increases the risk of feuding, which may result in fatalities.[7] The emergence of Pentecostalism has impacted this practice, as the lifestyle of Pentecostal gitanos involves frequent contact with gitanos from outside their own patrigroups during church services and meetings. To varying degrees, they identify with Andalusian culture and music due to the large and culturally significant gitano population present in that region. Data on ethnicity is not collected in Spain, although the Government's statistical agency CIS estimated in 2007 that the number of Gitanos present in Spain is probably around one million.[1]

 

Name

The term gitano evolved from the word egiptano[8] ("Egyptian"), which was the Old Spanish demonym for someone from Egipto (Egypt). "Egiptano" was the regular Spanish language adjective for someone from Egypt, however, in Middle and Modern Spanish the irregular adjective egipcio" supplanted egiptano to mean Egyptian, while gitano went on to refer specifically to Romanis in Spain.

The etymological meaning of the term gitano, therefore, was originally "Egyptian".[9] The use of the Spanish word meaning "Egyptian" to refer to Romanis in Spain evolved in the same way that the English word "Gypsy" also evolved from the English adjective "Egyptian" to refer to Romanis. Both terms are due to some Romanis, a people originating in the northern regions of the Indian Subcontinent, upon their first arrivals to Europe in the 14th and 15th centuries, claiming to be Egyptians for a more favourable treatment by local Europeans, or being mistaken as Egyptians by local Europeans.

 

While it is now widely known that Romanis are ultimately of northwestern Hindustani origin (an area today shared between India and Pakistan), many Romanis did enter Europe via a generations-long migration which included Egypt as one of their last stops before their arrival into Europe.

 

It is for this same reason that in the Albanian language variations of the Albanian term for "Egyptian" are still used to refer to a Romani people of Albania, which in English are also still ambiguously referred to as Balkan Egyptians. This group of Romanis in Albania are likewise of northwestern Hindustani origin, and are not related to the people of Egypt.

 

Identity

 

Main article: Romani society and culture

 

Gitano identity is particularly complex in Spain for a variety of reasons which are examined below. Nevertheless, it can be safely said that both from the perspective of gitano and non-gitano (payo) Spaniards, individuals generally considered to belong to this ethnicity are those of full or near-full gitano descent and who also self-identify. A confusing element is the thorough hybridization of Andalusian and Roma culture (and some would say identity) at a popular level. This has occurred to the point where Spaniards from other regions of Spain can commonly mistake elements of one for the other. The clearest example of this is flamenco music and Sevillanas, art forms that are Andalusian rather than gitano in origin but, having been strongly marked by gitanos in interpretative style, is now commonly associated to this ethnicity by many Spaniards. The fact that the largest population of gitanos is concentrated in Southern Spain has even led to a confusion between gitano accents and those typical of Southern Spain even though many Kale populations in the northern half of Spain (such as Galicia) do not speak Andalusian Spanish.

 

Indeed, the boundaries among gitano and non-gitano ethnicities are so blurred by intermarriage and common cultural traits in the south of the country, that self-identification is on occasion the only real marker for ethnicity. Few Spaniards are aware, for example, that Andalusian singer and gitano popular icon Lola Flores was, in fact, not of gitano ethnicity and did not consider herself as such.[10] The mistake can be commonly attributed to her being a Flamenco singer of humble origin, with a strong Andalusian accent, her vaguely South Asian features as well as to her having married into a Gitano family.

 

The term "gitano" has also acquired among many a negative socio-economic connotation referring to the lowest strata of society, sometimes linking it to crime and marginality and even being used as a term of abuse. In this, one can be Gitano "by degree" according to how much one fits into pre-conceived stereotypes or social stigmas.

 

On the other hand, the exaltation of Roma culture and heritage is a large element of wider Andalusian folklore and Spanish identity. Gitanos, rather than being considered a "foreign" or "alien" minority within the country are perceived as "deep" or "real Spain", as is expressed by the term "España Cañí" which means both "Gypsy Spain" and "Traditional" or "Folkloric Spain". This is largely the result of the period of romantic nationalism which followed the Spanish war of independence, during which the values of the Enlightenment arriving from Western Europe were rejected and Gypsies became the symbol of Spanish traditionalism, independence and racial consciousness.

 

Origin

 

Main article: Romani people

 

The Romani people originate from northwestern Hindustan,[11][12][13][14][15][16] presumably from the northwestern Indian state of Rajasthan[15][16] and the Punjab region shared between India and Pakistan.[15]

 

The linguistic evidence has indisputably shown that roots of Romani language lie in the Indian subcontinent: the language has grammatical characteristics of Indic languages and shares with them a big part of the basic lexicon, for example, body parts, daily routines[17] and numerals.

 

More exactly, Romani shares the basic lexicon with Hindi and Punjabi. It shares many phonetic features with Marwari, while its grammar is closest to Bengali.[18] Linguistic evaluation carried out in the nineteenth century by Pott (1845) and Miklosich (1882–1888) showed that the Romani language is to be classed as a New Indo-Aryan language (NIA), not a Middle Indo-Aryan (MIA), establishing that the ancestors of the Romani could not have left the Indian subcontinent significantly earlier than AD 1000, then finally reaching Europe several hundred years later.

 

Genetic findings in 2012 suggest the Romani originated in the northwestern region of the Indian subcontinent and migrated as a group.[12][13][19] According to a genetic study in 2012, the ancestors of present scheduled tribes and scheduled caste populations of northern India, traditionally referred to collectively as the "Ḍoma", are the likely ancestral populations of modern "Roma" in Europe.[20]

 

Migration to Spain

 

How and when the gypsies arrived in the Iberian Peninsula from Northern India is a question whose consensus is far from being reached. A popular theory, although without any documentation, claims they came from North Africa, from where they would have crossed the Strait of Gibraltar to meet again in France with the northern migratory route.[21] Thus, gitanos would be a deformation of Latin Tingitani, that is, from Tingis, today Tangier. Another, more consistent theory, and well documented, is that they entered the Iberian Peninsula from France. Although, there is controversy of the date of the first arrival, since there is evidence of a safe conduct granted in Perpignan in 1415 by the infante Alfonso of Aragon to one Tomás, son of Bartolomé de Sanno, who is said to be "Indie Majoris".[22] Or instead, could be the so-called Juan de Egipto Menor, who entered through France, who in 1425 Alfonso V granted him a letter of insurance, which is mostly accepted as the first gypsy to reach the peninsula.

 

... As our beloved and devoted Don Juan de Egipto Menor ... understands that he must pass through some parts of our kingdoms and lands, and we want him to be well treated and welcomed ... under pain of our wrath and indignation ... the mentioned Don Juan de Egipto and those who will go with him and accompany him, with all their horses, clothes, goods, gold, silver, saddlebags and whatever else they bring with them, let them go, stay and go through any city, town, place and other parts of our lordship safe and secure ... and giving those safe passage and being driven when the aforementioned don Juan requires it through this present safe conduct ... Delivered in Zaragoza with our seal on January 12 of the year of birth of our Lord 1425. King Alfonso.[23]

In 1435 they were seen in Santiago de Compostela, Gitanos were recorded in Barcelona and Zaragoza by 1447[citation needed], and in 1462 they were received with honors in Jaén. Years later, to the gitanos, the grecianos, pilgrims who penetrated the Mediterranean shore in the 1480s, were added to them, probably because of the fall of Constantinople. Both of them continued to wander throughout the peninsula, being well received at least until 1493, year in which a group of gitanos arrived at Madrid, where the Council agreed to "... give alms to the gitanos because at the request of the City passed ahead, ten reales, to avoid the damages that could be done by three hundred people who came ... ".

In those years safe conducts were granted to supposedly noble gypsy pilgrims. The follow-up of these safe-conducts throughout Spain has provided some data to historians according to Teresa San Román:

• The number of gypsies that entered or inhabited the Peninsula in the 15th-century is estimated at approximately 3,000 individuals.
• The gypsies traveled in variable groups, of 80-150 people, led by a man.
• Each autonomous group maintained relations at a distance with one of the others, there being perhaps relations of kinship among them (something common in today among Spanish gypsies).
• The separation between each group was variable and sometimes some followed the others at close range and by the same routes.
• The most common survival strategy was to present as Christian pilgrims to seek the protection of a noble.
• The way of life was nomadic and dedicated to divination and performance (spectacle).

In 1492, gipsy auxiliaries helped the army of the Kingdom of Castile and León in the Reconquista in Granada ending the reign of muslims in Spain.[24]

Gitanos have a low and little politically committed role, with some particular exceptions, in Andalusian nationalism and identity, which is strongly based on a belief in the oriental basis of Andalusi heritage acted as a bridge between occidental-western and oriental-eastern Andalusian culture at a popular level. The father of such a movement, Blas Infante, in his book Orígenes de lo flamenco y secreto del cante jondo, etymologically, went as far as alleging that the word flamenco derives from Andalusian Arabic fellah mengu, supposedly meaning "escapee peasant". Infante believed that numerous Muslim Andalusians became Moriscos, who were obliged to convert, dispersed and eventually ordered to leave Spain stayed and mixed with the Romani newcomers instead of abandoning their land. These claims have been rejected by many historians[citation needed] and genetic research papers.[25]

Spanish Romani people. Yevgraf Sorokin, 1853.

A Gypsy dance in the gardens of the Alcázar of Seville.

 

For about 300 years, Romanies were subject to a number of laws and policies designed to eliminate them from Spain as an identifiable group: Romani settlements were broken up and the residents dispersed; sometimes, Romanies were required to marry non-Roma; they were prohibited from using their language and rituals, and were excluded from public office and from guild membership.[26] In 1749 A major effort to get rid of the gypsy population in Spain was carried out through a raid organized by the government.[citation needed] It arrested all gypsies (Romani) in the realm, and imprisoned them in jails, eventually releasing them due to the widespread discontent that the measure caused.[citation needed]

 

During the Spanish Civil War, gitanos were not persecuted for their ethnicity by either side.[citation needed] Under the regime of Francisco Franco, Gitanos were often harassed or simply ignored, although their children were educated, sometimes forcibly, much as all Spaniards are nowadays.[citation needed] On the other hand, Andalusian and gitano culture was instrumentalized in the country's tourist promotion strategy which focused on the south to exalt the uniqueness of Spanish culture.[citation needed] However, the country's industrialization negatively affected gitanos as the migration of rural Spaniards to major cities led to the growth of shanty towns around urban areas with a consequent explosion in birth rates and a drastic fall in the quality of living and an abandonment of traditional professions.[citation needed] Traditional Gitano neighbourhoods such as Triana in Seville became gentrified and gitanos were slowly pushed out to the periphery and these new shanty towns.[citation needed]

 

In the post-Franco era, Spanish government policy has been much more sympathetic, especially in the area of social welfare and social services.[26] In 1977, the last anti-Romani laws were repealed, an action promoted by Juan de Dios Ramírez Heredia, the first Romani deputy.[26]

 

Beginning in 1983, the government operated a special program of Compensatory Education to promote educational rights for the disadvantaged, including those in Romani communities.[26] During the heroin epidemic that afflicted Spain in the 80s and 90s, Gitano shanty towns became central to the drug trade, a problem which afflicts Spain to this day.[citation needed] Although the size of shanty towns has been vastly reduced in Madrid, they remain significant in other major cities such as Seville, Huelva and Almería.[citation needed] Nevertheless, Spain is still considered a model for integration of gitano communities when compared to other countries with Romani populations in Eastern Europe.[citation needed]

Language

Main article: Caló language

 

Historically, gitanos spoke Caló fluently, often alongside the language spoken in the region they inhabited. Caló is a type of para-Romani, combining the phonology and grammar of the Catalan or Castilian, with a lexicon derived from Romani. The para-Romani resulting from the combination of Basque and Romani is called Erromintxela. Very few gitanos maintain a comprehensive and functional knowledge of Caló. A study on the actual usage patterns of Caló among a group of mainly Andalusian gitanos concluded that the language currently consists of between 350 and 400 unique terms, the knowledge of which varies considerably among gitanos. This would exclude a similar number of Calo words which have entered mainstream Spanish slang. According to the authors of the study, the majority of gitanos acknowledge that the language is in a terminal state, with many asserting that the language is totally lost.[27]

 

Religion

 

In Spain, gitanos were traditionally Roman Catholics who participated in four of the Church's sacraments (baptism, marriage, confirmation, and extreme unction). They are not regular churchgoers[citation needed] but follow traditions such as the cult of the Virgin of El Rocío. In 1997, Pope John Paul II beatified the Catholic gitano martyr Ceferino Giménez Malla, in a ceremony reportedly attended by some 3000 roma.[28] Sara-la-Kali is the patron saint of Romani people.

 

They rarely go to folk healers[citation needed], and they participate fully in Spain's state-supported medical system. Gitanos have a special involvement with recently dead kin and visit their graves frequently. They spend more money than non-Gitanos of equivalent economic classes in adorning grave sites.[citation needed]

The Spanish Evangelical Federation (mostly composed by members of the Assemblies of God and Pentecostal) claims that 150,000 Gitanos have joined their faith in Spain.[29][citation needed] The Romani Evangelical Assembly is the only religious institution entirely led and composed by Roma. The gitano Evangelical church (Iglesia de Filadelfia) asserts the gitano people originate from a group of Jews who got lost during Moses' lifetime and eventually became the gitanos.[30]

 

Marriage

 

The traditional Spanish Romani place a high value on the extended family. Virginity is essential in unmarried women. Both men and women often marry young.

 

A traditional gitano wedding requires a pedimiento (similar to an engagement party) followed by the casamiento (wedding ceremony), where el yeli must be sung to the bride to celebrate the virginity and honour of the bride (proven by the ritual of the pañuelo). In the pañuelo ritual, a group consisting of an ajuntaora (a professional who is skilled in performing the ritual and is paid by the family), along with the married women of the family, take the bride into a separate room during the wedding and examine her to ascertain that she is a virgin. The ajuntaora is the one who performs the ritual on the bride, as the other women watch to be witnesses that the bride is virgin. The ajuntaora wraps a white, decoratively embroidered cloth (the pañuelo) around her index finger and inserts it shallowly into the vaginal canal of the bride.[31] During this process, the Bartholin's glands are depressed, causing them to secrete a liquid that stains the cloth. This action is repeated with three different sections of the cloth to produce three stains, known as "rosas". This process is conceived by the women as the retrieval of the bride's "honra", her honour, contained within a "grape" inside her genitals which is popped during the examination, and the spillage collected onto the pañuelo.[32]

 

When finished with the exam, the women come out of the room and sing el yeli to the couple. During this, the men at the wedding rip their shirts and lift the wife onto their shoulders and do the same with the husband, as they sing "el yeli" to them. Weddings can last very long; up to three days is usual in the Gitano culture. At weddings, "gitanos" invite everyone and anyone that they know of (especially other gitanos). On some occasions, payos (gadjos) may attend as well, although this is not common. Through the night, many bulerías are danced and especially sung. Today, rumba gitana or rumba flamenca are a usual party music fixture.

Gitanos may also marry by elopement, an event that garners less approval than a wedding ceremony.[33]

 

Crime issues

 

According to the website of the Fundación Secretariado Gitano ("Gitano Secretariat Foundation"), in the Spanish prison system the Spanish Romani women represent 25% of the incarcerated female population, while Spanish Romani people represent 1.4% of the total Spanish population. 64% of the detentions of gitano people are drug trafficking-related. 93.2% of women inmates for drug trafficking are gitanas. 13.2% of the total drug trafficking-related inmates are of gitano ethnicity.[34]

 

Marginalisation

 

The 2016 Pew Research poll found that 49% of Spaniards held unfavorable views of Roma.[35]

 

Gitanos continue to experience discrimination on an interpersonal level, such as by being refused entry to bars and clubs or losing their jobs if their ethnicity is made known to their employer. Marginalisation occurs on an institutional level; Gitano children are regularly segregated from their non-gitano peers and have poorer academic outcomes as a result. In 1978, 68% of adult gitanos were illiterate.[36] Literacy has greatly improved over time, and approximately 10% of gitanos were illiterate as of 2006-2007 (with older gitanos much more likely than younger gitanos to be illiterate).[37] 98% of gitanos live below the poverty line.[38]

 

 

 

Jota (music)

 

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Aragonese jota dancers

 

The jota (Spanish: [ˈxota]; Valencian: [ˈdʒɔta]; Aragonese: hota [ˈxota] or ixota [iˈʃota]; Asturian: xota [ˈʃota]; Galician: xota [ˈʃɔtɐ]; old Spanish spelling: xota[1]) is a genre of music and the associated dance known throughout Spain, most likely originating in Aragon. It varies by region, having a characteristic form in Aragon (where it is the most important[1]), Catalonia, Castile, Navarre, Cantabria, Asturias, Galicia, La Rioja, Murcia and Eastern Andalusia. Being a visual representation, the jota is danced and sung accompanied by castanets, and the interpreters tend to wear regional costumes. In Valencia, the jota was once danced during interment ceremonies.[1]

 

The jota tends to have a 3/4 rhythm, although some authors maintain that the 6/
8 is better adapted to the poetic and choreographic structure. For their interpretation, guitars, bandurrias, lutes, dulzaina, and drums are used in the Castilian style, while the Galicians use bagpipes, drums, and bombos. Theatrical versions are sung and danced with regional costumes and castanets, though such things are not used when dancing the jota in less formal settings. The content of the songs is quite diverse, from patriotism to religion to sexual exploits. In addition to this, the songs also have the effect of helping to generate a sense of local identity and cohesion.

 

The steps have an appearance not unlike that of the waltz, though in the case of the jota, there is much more variation. Furthermore, the lyrics tend to be written in eight-syllable quartets, with assonance in the first and third verses.

 

Etymology

 

The medieval word "xiota" (pronounced [ˈʃota] or [ˈʃɔta]), derives from Mozarabic šáwta "jump", ultimately from Latin saltāre "to jump". Due to phonetic changes, it has become jota (pronounced [ˈxota]) in modern Spanish (reborrowed to Valencian as jota [ˈdʒɔta], or cota [ˈkɔta]) and hotia (pron. [ˈxota]) or ixota (pron. [iˈʃota]) in Aragonese.

The Aragonese Jota

Aragonese jota singer legend Pedro Nadal, known as El Royo del Rabal ("The Redhead from the Peasant's Quarter"), as painted in 1881 by Carlos Larraz

 

The Aragonese Jota is the best-known expression of Aragonese folklore. It dates as far back as the 18th century, and reached the pinnacle of its splendor in the 19th century. Due to the complexities of the dance steps and manner of singing, the jota has evolved. Since the end of the 19th century, heavily choreographed versions have often been made for zarzuelas, movies, contests, festivals, and other entertainments. The most pure forms of the jota can still be found in Calanda, Alcañiz, Andorra, Albalate, and Zaragoza.

 

Nowadays there exist many modern varieties of the jota which are performed by various folkloric groups. Among the most popular can be found: Jota de San Lorenzo (Huesca), Jota Vieja, Aragón Tierra Bravía, Gigantes y Cabezudos, La Dolores (these two are taken from the zarzuela and opera respectively of the same names), and the danza de la Olivera.

 

The Castilian Jota

 

As noted earlier, the jota of Castile tends to be accompanied by guitars, bandurrias, lutes, dulzaina and drums. As the music plays, the dancers dance with hands atop their heads, accompanied at times by castanets. The jota of Castile has a more sober, less airy feel to it, while the steps are quicker and sharper than what is seen in the Aragonese version. The songs accompanying the jota, which are known for their wry humor, typically deal with life, love, weddings, (often giving advice to the newlyweds) or religion.

 

The Philippine Jota

 

The Philippine Jota was among the most popular dances during the Spanish colonial period in the Philippines and up to the early 20th century. It was originally performed in social gatherings (like weddings, parties and baptisms) during the Spanish period in the Philippines. The Filipinos adapted this lively and delightful dance with different versions. These versions are combinations of Spanish and Filipino dance steps and music. Notable differences between the Philippine and Spanish jotas are the use of unstrung bamboo castanets. The jota is accompanied by the Philippine rondalla often consisting of a bandurria, guitar, bass and other mandolin-type instruments.

 

Variations of jotas differ from region to region. One such example is the Jota Paragua. The Jota Paragua came from Palawan’s old capital, Cuyo Islands which displays a heavy Castilian influence. The zapateados (footwork), cubrados (curved arms), and Sevillana (flounced and ruffled) style of dress are evidently Spanish in origin. The ladies wave their mantón [es], or decorative shawl, while the gentlemen keep brisk pace with bamboo castanets. The music is an alternating fast and slow tempo similar to Spanish airs which accompany dances like the flamenco, jota, bolero, seguidilla and fandango.

Other examples of Philippine jotas are Jota Manileña from Manila, Jota Caviteña from Cavite and Jota Moncadeña from Tarlac.

 

The Jota in California

 

The jota first came to Alta California during the Spanish period and was an important part of dance repertoires among Californios.[2] Later, the renowned guitarist Manuel Y. Ferrer, who was born in Baja California to Spanish parents and learned guitar from a Franciscan friar in Santa Barbara but made his career in the San Francisco Bay Area, arranged jotas for the guitar.[3] During the early 20th century, the jota became part of the repertoire of Italian American musicians in San Francisco playing in the ballo liscio style.[4] Two jotas collected by Sidney Robertson Cowell for the WPA California Folk Music Project in 1939 were played by bands of different national origins: one was Mexican American, the other Portuguese American.[5]